 Sacrifice,
relief from
Altar, Nemi, 200 CE
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Apart from state religious ceremonies, Roman
women took part in private religious observances. While texts for some of these
practices do not survive (e.g. prayers women uttered to Lucina, goddess of
childbirth), we have evidence for the participation of women in the important
family worship of the Lar familiaris and of the Lares compitales,
in funeral rites and religious ceremonies relating to the dead (Parentalia,
Karistia), and in the Terminalia, a festival honoring the god who
protected the borders of the family's property. This page contains texts which
describe their roles in these events. |
Lar
Familiaris:
Lares were ancient Roman tutelary
divinities associated with the protection of certain places. Worship of the
Lar familiaris by the dominus and domina ensured the god's
continued protection of the household. The Lar familiaris also helped
protect the fertility of the domina that ensured the perpetuation of her
husband's familia. This protective spirit of the family was worshipped
in any dwelling of the household, whether villa in the countryside,
domus in the city, or apartment in an insula. His shrine, the
Lararium, took the form of a free-standing roofed altar in the atrium or
peristyle, or of a
niche in the wall of these two
sites. A statue of the Lar familiaris often stood in the niche or under
the roof of the altar, and frequently the front of the lararium or the
wall below the niche was painted with one or more Lares. The epithet
Familiaris means "of or belonging to the household," as the Lar
familiaris protected all members of the household, free and slave.
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Bronze Lares and a Lararium (Pompeii,
1st century CE ) |
M. Porcius Cato (234-149 BCE),
De Agricultura 143.2
In Women's Religious
Activity in the Roman Republic, Celia Schultz points out that since the
vilica took over the duties of the absent materfamilias, Cato's
discussion of the religious duties of the vilica gives us insight into
the religious duties of the materfamilias (see
The Worlds of Roman Women, p 130-131, for Cato's full
text of the duties of the vilica).
Titus Maccius Plautus (3rd-2nd century BCE),
Aulularia 23-25
Daily worship of the Lares involved not only the dominus and his family, but also the slaves of the familia. While in small households there might be only one altar to the Lares, used by both free and slave residents, larger households generally had two or more shrines. Shrines used by the dominus and his family could be located in the center of the house (atrium, peristyle, garden, and/or dining room), while less elaborate shrines used by the slaves were most often located in the kitchen or in peripheral rooms associated with slaves [note] Normally the paterfamilias led the daily worship of the household Lares, but should he neglect to do so (or be unable to do so), then another family member would perform the rites. In the prologue of Plautus' play, the Lar announces that because Euclio, the master of the household, has neglected to perform the daily worship to the Lar, his daughter has taken the responsibility for this office.
| huic filia una est. ea mihi cottidie |
| aut ture aut vino aut aliqui semper supplicat, |
| dat mihi coronas. |
Q. Horatius Flaccus (65-8 BCE),
Carmina III.23.1-4
Horace instructs Phidyle, a farmwife,
on the performance of rituals that will honor her household gods to their
satisfaction (the meter is
Alcaic).
L. Iunius Modestus Columella
(mid 1st century CE), De Re Rustica XII.4.3
Since taking out food stored in the
house involved contact with the guardians of the family larder, the
Di Penates, and offering such food to the
Lares was a religious rite, it was
important for those involved in these actions to be ritually pure. Religious
purity particularly required that one had been chaste or purified from sexual
activity, as Columella explains in this excerpt:
| His autem omnibus [scriptoribus] placuit eum, qui rerum harum
officium susceperit, |
| castum esse continentemque oportere, quoniam totum in eo sit, |
| ne contrectentur pocula vel cibi nisi aut impubi aut certe
abstinentissimo rebus veneriis: |
| quibus si fuerit operatus vel vir vel femina, debere eos flumine
aut perenni aqua, |
| priusquam penora contingant, ablui. |
Pseudo-Acro, Ad Horati
Saturam I.5.65
This commentary (a compilation of
earlier works by scholars of the 5th-8th century CE attributed to the scholiast
Helenius Acron of the 2nd century CE) refers to the rites marking entrance into
adulthood for Roman children: the
boy assumed the
toga pura, putting aside his
protective
toga praetexta and
dedicating his amulet (the
bulla) to the Lares
familiares; girls at the time of their marriage put away their childhood
clothes and dedicated their
playthings (see Varro
below).
M. Terentius Varro (116-27 BCE),
Apud Nonium 863.15L
Although Varro's work is completely
lost, fragments survive in Nonius Marcellus' 4th century CE work De
Compendiosa Doctrina; here he lists various items (e.g.,
chest,
doll,
ball,
hairnet) that girls might dedicate
to the Lar upon marriage, their rite of entry into
adulthood:
Nonius Marcellus (early 4th
century CE), De Compendiosa Doctrina 852L
The Lar familiaris and Lares compitales needed to be notified of changes to the family and its household. For example, upon arriving at her new home a bride traditionally offered a
copper coin (an
as) to her husband's Lar
familiaris and Lares compitales (described below), thus informing
these deities that she was joining this household.
| Nubentes veteri lege Romana asses III, ad maritum venientes, |
| solebant pervehere, atque unum, quem in manu tenerent, tamquam emendi causa, marito dare; |
| alium, quem in pede haberent, in foco Larium Familiarium ponere; |
| tertium, quem in sacciperio condidissent, compito vicinali solere
resonare. |
Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius
(c. 400 CE), Saturnalia I.15.22
On the day after her marriage the bride
commenced her duties as domina, mistress of the household, which
included the performance of the family's religious rites:
Lar Compitalis,
Compitalia: The Lares compitales were guardians of the
compitium, the cross-roads
in country or city, which were viewed as potentially dangerous places. The gods
were honored at the
festival of the Compitalia, which took place
at different times but was always celebrated in the winter (mosaic of the month of January showing worship of the Lar during the Compitalia). On this occasion
each household gathered at the crossroads beside the house or estate to
sacrifice honey-cakes to the Lares and to hang objects that represented
each member of the family, free or slave.
M. Tullius Cicero (103-43 BCE),
Epistulae Ad Atticum 2.3
The letters of the famous statesman and
orator Cicero provide some insight into the daily life of elite women of the
late Republic. In this letter he extends an invitation to join his family's
celebration of the Compitalia to his best friend T. Pomponius Atticus
and Atticus' sister, Pomponia, who was married to Cicero's
brother.
Paulus Diaconus (8th century CE),
Excerpta Festi 239L
This passage is preserved by Paulus
from the work of a late 2nd century CE scholar, Sextus Pompeius Festus; De
verborum significatu was itself a summary of an etymological work by a
scholar of the Augustan period, Verreius Flaccus. It explains that the Lares
compitales were in some way connected with the dead. The family hoped that
the Compitalia would propitiate the Lares and protect its members in the
ensuing year. As women were the wool-workers (lanaficae) in the Roman
family,
spinning and
weaving clothing and goods for the household, it
is likely that they were responsible for making the woolen balls and effigies
to be hung for the Lares.
| Pilae et effigies viriles et
muliebres ex lana Compitalibus suspendebantur in compitis, |
| quod hunc diem festum esse deorum
inferorum, quos vocant Lares, putarent, |
| quibus tot pillae, quot capita servorum, tot effigies, quot essent liberi, |
| ponebantur ut vivis parcerent et
essent his pilis et simulacris contenti. |
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Bringing corpse to the pyre,
sarcophagus lid, 3rd century CE |
Funerary
Rites: Women were prominent in the funerals of family members. In poorer
households they were most likely the ones who washed the body, dressed it, and
laid it out prior to the funeral procession. Professional women mourners
(praeficae) might be hired, but women of the family also joined the
formal mourning (see
child's funeral). The widow and
other women accompanying the funeral wore special mourning clothing, as did the
men; the ricinium, a black outer garment with a purple border and
rectangular in shape, was worn by women double-folded and thrown back over the
shoulder (reconstruction). Anyone who came
into contact with the dead was "polluted" by death and needed to be cleansed of
that pollution before resuming normal life and contact with others.
Paulus Diaconus (8th century
CE), Excerpta Festi 3L
This passage is preserved by Paulus
from the work of a late 2nd century CE scholar, Sextus Pompeius Festus, which
was itself a summary of an etymological work by the Augustan scholar Verreius
Flaccus. Paulus explains the process and rationale for the ritual of
purification which featured the elements fire and water:
Julius Paulus (early 3rd century
CE), Sententiae I.21.13
Roman women undertook a period of
formal mourning after the funeral of a family member. The duration of this
period was determined by the age and relationship of the deceased to the
grieving women and the custom changed over time. Paulus describes the length of
mourning appropriate to different relationships that was socially acceptable
during the middle and late Republic:
| Parentes et filii maiores sex annis anno lugeri possunt, minores mense: |
| maritus decem mensibus et cognati proximioris gradus octo. |
| Qui contra fecerit, infamium numero habetur. |
L. Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 BCE-65
CE), Epistulae Morales 63.13
By the late first century BCE,
according to Seneca, only women were expected to engage in formal mourning for
any time at all:
| Annum feminis ad lugendum constituere maiores, |
| non ut tam diu lugerent, sed ne diutius: |
| viris nullum legitimum tempus est, quia nullum honestum. |
P. Ovidius Naso (43 BCE-17 CE),
Fasti III. 133-134
In the introduction to the month of
March in his poem Fasti, Ovid explains why the old Roman year lasted
originally only ten months; one explanation relates to the length of time a
widow (vidua) was expected to mourn her husband. The meter is
elegiac couplet.
Parentalia: Along with other family members, women
were present and and made preparations for the Parentalia (February
13-21), the festival of the family dead established by Aeneas.
P. Ovidius Naso (43 BCE-17 CE),
Fasti II.533-535, 537-539, 542
Ovid describes here the rites to be
conducted at the tombs on February 21, the Feralia, the last day for appeasing
the dead with gifts from the larder; Ovid warns that it is a day to be avoided
by brides for their wedding (557-561); the meter is
elegiac couplet.
Karistia: The day after the Parentalia, during
which they connected themselves with their dearly departed, the Romans
celebrated the Karistia, a festival for renewing connections with one's
living relatives. Women were clearly present on this day, which focused on a
sacrifice to the Lar familiaris, petitioning him to preserve family
members from death.
P. Ovidius Naso (43 BCE-17 CE),
Fasti II.617-626, 631-634
Ovid describes the intent and rites of
this festival which took place on February 22; the meter is
elegiac couplet.
| 617 |
Proxima cognati dixere Karistia kari, |
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et venit ad socios turba propinqua deos. |
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scilicet a tumulis et qui periere propinquis |
| 620 |
protinus ad vivos ora referre
iuvat, |
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postque tot amissos quicquid de sanguine restat |
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aspicere et generis dinumerare gradus. |
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innocui veniant: procul hinc, procul impius esto |
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frater et in partus mater acerba suos, |
| 625 |
cui pater est vivax, qui matris digerit annos, |
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quae premit invisam socrus iniqua nurum. |
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| 631 |
dis generis date tura boni: Concordia fertur |
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illa praecipue mitis adesse
die; |
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et libate dapes, ut, grati pignus honoris, |
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nutriat incinctos missa patella Lares. |
Terminalia: Another family festival was the
Terminalia, held on February 23 in honor of the god Terminus, who
presided over property boundaries. His statue was aniconic, in the form of a
boundary stone or post inserted on the boundary of the family's estate. The
women and men of each family gathered at their country estate boundary to adorn
the "image" of Terminus with garlands and to erect an altar on which they
offered grain, honeycombs, and wine, and a blood sacrifice of a lamb or piglet.
P. Ovidius Naso (43 BCE-17 CE),
Fasti II. 645-646, 651-652
Ovid explains that the farmer's wife
was responsible for bringing the flame from the hearth to start the sacrificial
fire and her young daughter was expected to make some of the offerings; the
meter is
elegiac couplet.
| 645 |
Ara fit: huc ignem curto fert rustica testo |
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Sumptum de tepidis ipsa colona focis.
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| 651 |
inde ubi ter fruges medios immisit in ignes, |
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porrigit incisos filia parva favos.
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