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Before she left for the 2004 Olympic Games,
we asked Dr. Bass about her interest in sports, and her extraordinary
book, Not the
Triumph but the
Struggle: the 1968
Olympic Games and the Making of the Black Athlete, that was
published in 2002 by the University of
Minnesota Press.
We also asked Dr.
Bass about women’s
sports, and the course she will be giving next fall at CNR on sports.
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What are your
responsibilities in Athens?:
I am the Research Room Supervisor, meaning
that I oversee the 30 or so people who act as the central information
network
for the broadcast of the Games on NBC networks.
How
many hours a day do you work when the Games are
on?:
I will likely be working 13 to 18
hours per day, depending on the action.
Do
you get to enjoy the Games or are you too busy?:
It depends on the schedule. In Atlanta, I barely saw anything
outside of
the International Broadcast Center because we were live so much of the
time –
in Sydney, I got to see a lot of stuff because of the time difference –
the
gold medal baseball game between Cuba and the USA, women’s gymnastics,
a lot of
track and field, and so on. In Salt
Lake, I
saw some speed skating, skiing, and short track.
Dr.
Bass, tell us about your book,
Not the
Triumph but the
Struggle: the 1968
Olympic Games
and the Making of the Black Athlete.
It is a look
behind the very famous photo of
the black power protest of Tommie Smith and John Carlos, gold and
bronze
medalists in 1968 in the men’s 200-meters. The book focuses on the
organization
that Smith and Carlos were part of – the Olympic Project for Human
Rights –
which proposed a boycott by African Americans of the Olympics if its
list of
civil rights demands was not met. It eventually called the boycott off,
asking
its members to protest at the Games instead. Smith and Carlos did
just that, and used this
moment -- their moment -- in front of the world to speak out against
racial oppression. That moment became the central symbol of the Mexico
City
Olympics, and one of the best representations of just how complex 1968
was, and
let me explore multiple historical themes, including civil rights
movements,
the rise of newly independent African nations, ideas of minority
identity,
sweeping student unrest, and the relationship between politics and mass
media.
Why
did you pick that topic for
your
dissertation and the subsequent book?
I
didn’t start out focusing solely on the Olympic Project for Human
Rights, but
after my stint in Atlanta
in 1996,
which ended with me at
the Closing Ceremony, roaming the
infield of Olympic Stadium wearing an all-access badge, searching for
athletes
that the cameras needed to focus on, it quickly changed. Now that I had
shaken
hands with Michael Johnson and Jackie Joyner Kersee, I only wanted to
write
about the Olympics. Mexico City
became the focal point of
my work, and Smith and Carlos my main characters.
ABC
television
bought the rights to the Olympics and made Mexico
City
the first large-scale broadcast of a summer Games. So
all of these things – black power, apartheid, protesting students, etc.
– were
televised. Indeed, a lot of the tumultuous politics of 1968 in general
were
televised: the Tet Offensive in Vietnam,
the assassinations of Martin Luther King and Robert
F. Kennedy, the Democratic Convention in Chicago.
So the Black Power protest of Smith and Carlos fits
well within the trajectory of this pivotal year.
How has your own
experiences working
at the Olympic Games been important to your work?
My Olympic
experience has
been really unique. I worked in Atlanta,
Sydney,
and Salt Lake
for NBC, supervising the research operation behind
the scenes. In return, I got incredible access to both the Games in
general
and, specifically, to the media operations that portray them. The
observations
that I made during these times had a tremendous impact on me: I think
that it
is hard for anyone who has never been to an Olympics to understand
their
magnitude. They are, bottom line, an awesome spectacle – the pageantry,
the
personal stories, the wealth of competition, the many walks of life
represented. There are lots of reasons to be critical of the Olympics –
doping,
corporatism, Western dominance, media saturation, elitism, and, of
course, the
scandals of the International Olympic Committee. But sitting in
an Olympic Stadium watching a
Closing Ceremony, in which athletes dance together, trade parts of
their
uniforms, and exchange Olympic pins, one is struck by just how
remarkable it
all is. Where else do people from some 200 countries gather,
and not
just the rich or the famous, but some very real, very “everyday” kinds
of folk?
Because for every Prince Albert
in a
bobsled, there is an Eric Moussambani of Equatorial
Guinea in a swimming pool.
The clenched black
gloved
fist was certainly not a new sight in 1968 – why did Smith and Carlos’
action
cause such furor?
Members
of the Olympic
Project for Human Rights were largely viewed as ingrates by both the
general
public and by the sporting establishment. They were considered to be
the ones
who had ‘made it’ – they were a part of the Show. By threatening to
boycott the
Games unless full citizenship was granted to black America, they were
voluntarily removing themselves from an arena that was considered,
albeit
spuriously so, to be integrated, using their medal-winning potential,
which was
terribly important to Cold War America, as a means of power for others
who
didn’t have that kind of voice.
You go as far as to
say
that Smith and Carlos
were blamed for politicizing the Games. How so?
The Olympics
had, and still
does to some degree, a perception of itself that was apolitical – that
despite
requiring an athlete to compete under the auspices of a national flag,
the
competition was not between nations but rather between individuals.
Officially, for example, the IOC does not keep a national medal tally –
it’s a
media constructed count that began during the Cold War, when the U.S.
and the
USSR used the number of gold medals won as evidence as to which
employed a
better political system, democracy versus communism. And we still
see vestiges of that “East
versus West” medal race today, especially in the wake of the scandal
that
surrounded the pairs figure skating competition in Salt
Lake City.
Smith and
Carlos’s action was
seen as introducing national politics into this so-called apolitical
arena,
with little regard to the transnational struggle they were fighting
(ie: human
rights). When the massacre of Israeli athletes at Munich
occurred four years later at the hands of the Black
September Movement, Smith and Carlos were directly invoked, indeed
blamed, by
quarters of the media who concluded that if the black power protest
hadn’t
happened, no one would have seen the Olympics as a viable showground
for
terrorism. Of course, this kind of historical amnesia lets a figure
like
Hitler, who certainly politicized the Berlin Games, off the hook, but
even more
dangerously avoids examining just how impossible it is to separate the
pageantry of an event like the Olympics from politics.
Do you consider the
Olympic Project for Human Rights successful?
As the title
of the book
indicates, victory can be defined in many ways. I think that a common
misconception that many people have regarding civil rights movements in
general
is success. Did the OPHR succeed in boycotting the Mexico City Games?
No,
obviously not. An important part of understanding collective action is
defining
the collective itself. Racial identity cannot create an unconditionally
unified
whole – that is something that every politically defined movement must
deal
with. Getting all self-identified black athletes to boycott the Games
was a
near impossibility, as an Olympic gold medal can have such a tremendous
bearing
on an amateur athlete’s future. The OPHR found that out, and unless all
those
involved boycotted, it would not be an effective action. So after a
year of
intense media spotlight, the boycott was called off.
That
said, did the OPHR have
an impact? Absolutely. It demonstrated an alternative arena for civil
rights
actions, one that combined a more traditionally defined mode of action,
the
boycott, with a more radically defined ideology, Black Power. The
threat of the
boycott nurtured the spotlight that eventually gave the gesture of
Smith and
Carlos so much meaning, and brought the varied demands of the OPHR –
the
restoration of Muhammad Ali’s title, the banning of South
Africa from international competition,
the addition of
black members to the International Olympic Committee – further
attention. Of
course, in terms of where their images are today, that becomes
debatable.
Without question, the image of successful athletes like Michael Jordan
and
Tiger Woods makes a lot of Americans feel better about our race record,
but
somehow within the corporatism that Jordan and Woods encompass, new
models of
civil rights movements need to emerge.
You
seem always to
refer
to civil rights movements,
rather than the Civil Rights Movement.
Is that an important distinction?
Making
it plural acknowledges the nuance and variety created by those who
directly
engaged in struggles for equity. Common goals did not necessarily mean
common
approaches, with the most familiar example being the split between
King’s
Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the cry for Black Power
that came
from organizations such as the Student Non-violent Coordinating
Committee and
the Black Panthers. Utilizing sports as a civil rights arena was the
idea of
many, but it most forcefully came to fruition through the OPHR, who
capitalized
on the economic, cultural, social, and political importance that sports
has at
both the national and international level.
Do
you think that
the Olympic Games
are
important and worthy of our attention?
I
think the success of Salt Lake,
for example, speaks
volumes about the ability of much of the world to conduct itself
peacefully for
a length of time. While there is, certainly, much to criticize in the
stories Salt Lake
told via its Opening and
Closing ceremonies, there is something to be said for what kind of a
global
experience one gains from participating – whether as an athlete or a
spectator
– in the Olympics. Sport serves as a stage with the potential for
tremendous
symbolic power, one literally – physically – focused on human
possibility, and
the Olympic Games achieve a global nature unparalleled. They are
flawed,
certainly, plagued by accusations of corporate scandals, doping,
elitism,
aristocracy, an overly-Western influence, and a seemingly ever-lasting
rivalry
between Communist (and even former Communist) athletes and the rest of
the
world.
But
the International Olympic Committee also makes some interesting
decisions in
terms of its role as a world power: it censured Afghanistan
when the Taliban took
power; threw South Africa
out during its apartheid
era; and has allowed delegations from Puerto Rico,
East Timor, and Palestine autonomy
not found
elsewhere. It also, perhaps most importantly, lets much of the world
see what
it looks like for some 200 nations, wearing something representative of
their
identity, to get together in a manner that is not, well, boring.
Indeed,
attending an Olympic Closing Ceremony is a profound experience, one
that can
convince most anyone that the Olympic movement must continue through
its flaws,
and one that you just can’t totally get unless you go.
As a women’s
college, Title IX is very
important to us.
How did Title IX demonstrate its importance at the
Olympics?
At
the Atlanta Olympics, an unprecedented 3,700 women competed. While
women
had
always done well in individual sports for the United States, as there
were few
other elite outlets for their talent, Atlanta marked a successful
collective
effort for American women, bringing home team gold in basketball,
softball,
soccer, and gymnastics. Without question, American women were the face
of the
Atlanta Olympics, and they were the women who were the first generation
to grow
up under Title IX – the first who knew it was okay for girls to play
hard.
Dr. Bass, are you a
sports
fan?
In terms of
being a fan, yes
and no. I love tennis, and I’m both cursed and blessed to be a Red Sox
devotee.
But I’m not an ESPN-watching/sports page-reading junkie. I’m more
interested in
how sport is a central arena in which questions of racial identity are
hashed
out. The black athlete is one of the most visible representations of
race in
modern society: seen on television and in print, cheered by millions in
the
stands and in their living rooms, gracing cereal boxes and magazine
covers, teamed
with white counterparts and – at least superficially – accepted.
So an examination of the black athlete, one
which looks at the black athlete as a character invented or created by
our own
societal and cultural perceptions, serves as an amazing place to
discuss ideas
of national identity, the operations of mass media, multiple methods of
civil
rights struggles, and numerous manifestations of both race and racism
in
American culture.
What will your fall
course in sports focus on, Dr. Bass?
It
is an upper-division seminar, meaning it’s a lot of reading, research,
and writing. The course argues that athletes are an excellent window
through which to study ideas of racial and national identity, because
athletes are among the most integrated and diverse racial subjects in
the world – seen in all facets of media, cheered by millions of
fans. Students will be using Athens as a vehicle for discussion, doing
reading on subjects such as Althea Gibson, Ali, and Jackie Robinson;
the 1936, 1960 and 1968 Olympics (for obvious reasons); and developing
research projects of their own to share with the class. It builds on
other courses that I offer in cultural history, such as U.S Youth
Culture, which I taught last semester, which used the idea of youth and
popular culture to understand major themes in American history.